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December 26, 2003
Courtesy:http://www.wnyc.org/onthemedia/transcripts/transcripts_122603_pakistan.html
BOB GARFIELD:
This is On the Media. I'm Bob
Garfield.
BROOKE GLADSTONE:
And I'm Brooke Gladstone. Pakistani
President General Pervez Musharraf
continues to score points with the
Bush administration as America's key
ally in the war on terror, but despite
his popularity abroad, Musharraf is in
deep trouble at home. The opposition
has mounted a fierce movement against
the general remaining in uniform while
president, paralyzing the Parliament
for almost a year. Many are skeptical
about his commitment to democracy, but
even they agree the press has had more
freedom under Musharraf than probably
ever before. Even so, the press there
walks a careful line through a mine
field of military, political and
religious influences. From Islamabad,
Miranda Kennedy looks at the press in
the first of a two-part series on
Pakistani media.
MIRANDA KENNEDY:
Traditionally, the Pakistani print
media has had more space to breathe
than the electronic media, no matter
who's in power. That's largely because
it is less effective. Of a country of
over 140 million people, only some 2
million read newspapers, thanks to
shockingly low literacy rates, and
English language papers account for
only a fraction of those readers.
M ZIAUDDIN:
It is almost an indulgence of the
elite in this country, the English
press.
MIRANDA KENNEDY:
M Ziauddin is the Islamabad editor of
The Dawn, a sober and respected
English language newspaper that was
actually founded before Pakistan
itself. Ziauddin says The Dawn
survived decades of military
dictatorships basically because it
shamelessly toed the government line.
Ziauddin recalls printing verbatim
government press releases and letting
the censor board remove entire pages.
The Dawn can write whatever it wants
these days, but that's because hardly
anybody reads it.
M ZIAUDDIN:
In the comments of the day became a
veil, that look, if they let the
English press alone, that's not going
to make much of a difference.
MIRANDA KENNEDY:
Even if the government largely leaves
the English language newspapers alone,
individual journalists aren't always
immune. Najam Sethi, editor of the
Lahore-based English newspaper The
Daily Times, was thrown in jail under
two earlier Pakistani regimes for his
work as a journalist. He lived through
the era when journalists were actually
flogged as punishment for penning
critical views. Najam founded his
first paper, The Weekly Friday Times,
after Pakistan's fearsome Islamist
former president, Mohammed Zia ul Haq
died, in 1988. Najam says that under
Musharraf's government, the press is
better off in many ways.
NAJAM SETHI:
Everywhere he goes, he flaunts this to
the Western World -- "The press is
free." And to a large extent, that is
the case. Unless there was extreme
provocation of a personal nature
against any of the generals, Musharraf
basically let the press be. Musharraf
has tread a very careful and balanced
line --selected repression, targeted,
but without leaving any fingerprints.
But by and large, the press is free.
MIRANDA KENNEDY:
The targeted repression Najam says he
talks about has been well-documented
by the independent Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan. They say there
have been dozens of attacks on
journalists just in the last year.
Last January a journalist who wrote a
book condemning religious
fundamentalism was killed. Recently
another journalist who criticized the
government sports board was badly
beaten.
MIRANDA KENNEDY:
While he agrees that democracy is
necessary for media to thrive, he
thinks it often leads to an aligning
of the press with government and
business interests -- what he calls a
democratic leveling. This is what's
happened in both the U.S. and the
Indian media, he says, because when
you have an established democracy,
reporters tend to fall into line based
on consensus. So, according to his
analysis, there is an up side to
recent decades of media repression in
Pakistan.
NAJAM SETHI:
We've been under a, a lid, and when
they took the lid off, we were so
angry that we started sort of, you
know, shouting and screaming, and the
rules of the game in terms of what you
can say and what you can't say and why
not are not entirely clear. So for
that reason, precisely because we've
been under a dictatorship, and when
you take the lid off, there tends to
be a bubbling over. We are still very
bubbly.
MIRANDA KENNEDY:
Pakistani newspapers are very lively,
both in English and Urdu, the national
language of Pakistan. Irshad Haqqani
is a senior editor and columnist at
the Daily Jang, the largest Urdu
newspaper in Pakistan. He criticizes
the Musharraf government regularly in
print.
IRSHAD HAQQANI:
Although there are invisible
pressures, there are behind-the-scenes
moves, but by and large even if you
criticize him personally, you don't
think that you will be prosecuted or a
case will be registered against you.
But I can't say that everything is
hunky-dory; everything is fine. They
are bringing new defamation laws which
are more stringent than the ones that
are already there on the statute book.
MIRANDA KENNEDY:
New laws proposed by the Musharraf
government would impose new
restrictions on journalists accused of
defaming or slandering politicians.
Critics point out that the law against
blasphemy is used to settle personal
scores and often targets journalists.
In July, a Pakistani high court
sentenced Munawar Mohsin, a junior
newspaper editor, to life in prison
for allegedly defiling the name of the
Prophet Mohammed. It's a capital
offense in this Islamic republic.
President Musharraf promised he would
reform that law when he came to
office. Pressure from Islamic
fundamentalists made him change his
mind. But even so, Asma Jehangir,
Pakistan's best-known human rights
lawyer, sees some murmurings of hope
for a free press.
ASMA JEHANGIR:
Previous people were too scared even
to discuss the law of blasphemy, and
then there was a demand that this law
should be looked into, and now you see
newspapers writing about it. You've
seen editorials denounce the manner in
which it is abused. I think we have
tasted a few months of relative
freedom. Let me put it that way. And
it's very difficult to reverse it,
number one; and number two, of course
it is another century, and you have to
go forward.
MIRANDA KENNEDY:
But accompanying small signs of
change, there's caution. Editors,
journalists and academics admit they
censor their own work for fear of
running afoul of the country's
blasphemy and defamation laws.
Pakistan still has a long road to
travel towards press freedom. For On
the Media, I'm Miranda Kennedy in
Islamabad.
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